4.3.4 - Poverty and inequality
- Syllabus
- 2018
- Topic
- 4.3.4
- Level
- A2
Absolute poverty exists when income or resources are insufficient to meet essential needs such as food, safe water, shelter, sanitation, healthcare and basic education. Relative poverty exists when a household's income is far below the typical income in its own society, limiting participation in the living standards regarded as normal there.
| Feature | Absolute poverty | Relative poverty |
|---|---|---|
| reference point | a fixed minimum real standard of basic needs | the contemporary income distribution of a society |
| main concern | physical subsistence and essential capabilities | exclusion and low living standards compared with others |
| response to general income growth | can fall if poorer households gain enough real income | may persist if median income and lower incomes rise together |
If every household's real income doubles, fewer people may fall below an absolute poverty line. But the share below 60% of median income can remain unchanged because the relative threshold doubles too.
Absolute does not mean identical everywhere: a monetary line must be adjusted for purchasing power and price changes. Relative poverty is not simply inequality; it identifies people below a chosen relative threshold.
A poverty measure combines a poverty line with household income or consumption data, then counts or describes those below the line. The chosen line determines whether the measure is absolute or relative.
| Measure | Construction | What a rise means |
|---|---|---|
| absolute poverty rate | percentage below a fixed real basic-needs or international purchasing-power-parity line | more people cannot command the minimum real bundle |
| relative poverty rate | percentage below a set share of current median disposable income, often 50% or 60% | more people are far below the society's typical income |
| poverty gap | average shortfall of poor households below the chosen line | poverty is deeper, even if the headcount is unchanged |
For international comparison, purchasing power parity converts incomes according to what money can buy rather than market exchange rates. Within a country, equivalised disposable household income can adjust for taxes, benefits and household size.
A headcount ratio shows incidence, not depth or lived conditions. Results also depend on data quality, informal income, regional prices, household composition and the selected threshold, so one measure should not be treated as a complete welfare picture.
Poverty changes when households' earning capacity, employment, transfers, taxes or the real cost of essential goods changes. The same event can affect absolute and relative poverty differently because their reference lines differ.
| Specified cause | Main transmission to poverty |
|---|---|
| economic growth | jobs and real incomes can rise, but poverty falls less when gains bypass low-income groups |
| education and training | skills raise employability, productivity and long-run earning power, subject to job availability |
| welfare benefits | cash or in-kind support raises disposable resources and cushions unemployment, illness or old age |
| tax structure | more progressive taxes and credits can raise lower disposable incomes; regressive burdens can do the reverse |
| structural change | expanding sectors create opportunities, while declining industries can cause regional and skills mismatch |
| aid | well-targeted health, education and infrastructure support can raise capabilities and incomes |
| civil war and conflict | destroyed assets, displacement, lost schooling, inflation and disrupted markets deepen poverty |
Assess scale, distribution, duration and implementation. Growth that raises the median faster than the bottom can reduce absolute poverty while relative poverty stays unchanged or rises.
No listed cause works mechanically: welfare depends on coverage and real value, aid on institutions and targeting, and training on whether suitable jobs exist.
Income inequality is the uneven distribution of flows received over a period, such as wages, rent, interest, profit and transfers. Wealth inequality is the uneven distribution of the stock of owned assets minus liabilities at a point in time.
| Feature | Income | Wealth |
|---|---|---|
| nature | flow per week, month or year | accumulated net stock at a date |
| examples | earnings, benefits, dividends, rent received | housing, land, savings, shares and businesses minus debt |
| main accumulation route | labour-market and transfer outcomes | saving, asset-price gains, inheritance and ownership |
| feedback | income can finance saving and asset purchase | wealth can generate rent, interest, dividends and capital gains |
A retired homeowner may have low current income but high net wealth. A young professional may have high income but little or negative net wealth after student or housing debt.
High income and high wealth often reinforce each other, but they are not interchangeable. Comparing wealth also requires liabilities and asset valuation, while comparing income requires a stated time period and definition of pre- or post-tax income.
A Lorenz curve plots the cumulative percentage of households or people, ordered from poorest to richest, against their cumulative share of income or wealth. The 45-degree line represents perfect equality.
The farther the Lorenz curve bows below the equality line, the more unequal the distribution. If one country's curve lies everywhere closer to equality than another's, it has the more equal distribution. Crossing curves do not provide an unambiguous ranking from the graph alone.
The Gini coefficient summarises the curve: it is the area between the equality line and the Lorenz curve divided by the entire triangular area below the equality line. It ranges from 0 for perfect equality to 1 for perfect inequality; it may also be reported from 0 to 100. A movement from 0.34 to 0.30 indicates less measured inequality.
The Gini does not reveal where in the distribution change occurred, distinguish income from wealth, or measure poverty directly. Compare like definitions, populations and data sources before inferring a trend.
Inequality arises because people and countries differ in productive opportunities, market rewards, asset ownership and the taxes and transfers that reshape those rewards.
| Within a country | Between countries |
|---|---|
| differences in education, skills, experience and labour-market bargaining power | differences in productivity, human capital, technology and infrastructure |
| unemployment, discrimination, informal work and regional job gaps | institutions, political stability, conflict and access to finance |
| unequal ownership of land, housing, businesses and financial assets | geography, disease burden, resources and vulnerability to external shocks |
| inheritance and cumulative asset-price gains | trade access, terms of trade, debt burdens and integration into investment flows |
| tax, welfare and public-service choices | historical starting points and the capacity of governments to provide services |
Income and wealth inequality can reinforce one another: higher income makes saving and asset purchase easier, while assets generate income and can finance better education or business investment. Across countries, low income can restrict the investment needed to raise productivity.
A single factor does not explain every distribution. Education can narrow wage gaps yet also widen them temporarily if skilled labour becomes much more valuable; resource wealth can raise national income without being widely shared.
Inequality changes incentives, access to opportunity and the way income is spent. Moderate reward differences may encourage effort and risk-taking, while severe inequality can prevent capable people from investing in themselves or enterprises.
| Area | Possible supporting effect | Possible damaging effect |
|---|---|---|
| enterprise and incentives | larger potential rewards can encourage innovation, work and risk-taking | weak mobility or concentrated market power can discourage effort and entry |
| savings | high-income households often save a larger income share, increasing funds available for investment | weak mass demand can reduce firms' incentive to invest; savings may leave the economy |
| education | family resources can finance advanced education | low-income households may lack finance, information or time, wasting human potential |
| migration | wage gaps can move labour toward higher-productivity uses and generate remittances | selective emigration can remove scarce skilled workers from poorer areas |
| life expectancy | higher private resources improve nutrition, housing and healthcare access | deprivation, stress and unequal public-service access can widen health outcomes |
The net effect depends on mobility, credit markets, public services, institutions and how inequality was produced. Inequality from innovation differs from inequality sustained by exclusion or inherited market power.
Equality of outcome is not the same as equality of opportunity, and correlation between inequality and an outcome does not by itself prove causation.
Economic change alters which skills, sectors, regions and assets receive the largest rewards. Development can therefore widen inequality in one phase and narrow it in another; the result is not automatic.
| Change | Route that may widen inequality | Route that may narrow inequality |
|---|---|---|
| industrialisation and urbanisation | early gains concentrate among urban owners and skilled workers | labour moves from low-productivity work into better-paid formal jobs |
| technology and globalisation | skill premiums, automation and asset returns rise | cheaper goods, new markets and knowledge diffusion broaden opportunity |
| growth of asset markets | owners receive capital gains and inheritance compounds them | wider pension, housing and financial ownership spreads gains |
| stronger fiscal capacity | poorly targeted privileges protect high incomes | progressive tax, transfers, health, education and infrastructure expand opportunity |
Track both market income and disposable income, and separate temporary transition costs from persistent exclusion. The speed of job creation, access to education and credit, regional mobility and redistributive policy determine who captures productivity gains.
Rising average income does not guarantee falling inequality or poverty. Development can reduce absolute poverty while relative gaps widen, so distribution and living standards must be assessed separately.
A free market economy allocates resources mainly through private property, prices, profit and voluntary exchange. Because income reflects market demand, productivity, bargaining power and asset ownership, unequal outcomes are a significant feature of capitalism.
| Market mechanism | Possible significance for inequality |
|---|---|
| profit and wage incentives | reward enterprise, skill and risk, but produce large differences when rewards are concentrated |
| private ownership | encourages saving and investment, while returns, capital gains and inheritance can compound wealth gaps |
| competition and innovation | can lower prices and create new opportunities, but winner-takes-most markets or monopoly power can concentrate income |
| flexible labour and credit markets | permit mobility and business formation, yet unequal education, information, collateral and bargaining power limit access |
Actual capitalist economies are mixed economies. Progressive taxation, transfers, minimum wages, competition policy and universal public services can alter disposable income and opportunity without removing private ownership or market prices.
Capitalism does not imply one fixed level of inequality. Outcomes depend on initial asset ownership, market structure, mobility, institutions and policy; lower inequality also need not require identical incomes or the removal of incentives.