Unit 1: Social and cognitive psychology AS
- Syllabus
- 2026
- Section
- —
- Level
- AS

Obedience is a change in behaviour in response to a direct order from someone perceived to have authority. Agency theory explains a change in responsibility; social power theory explains why the authority can influence the target.
| Theory | Mechanism | What predicts obedience |
|---|---|---|
| Agency theory | In an autonomous state, a person sees themself as responsible. Under legitimate authority they may enter an agentic state, act as the authority's agent and displace responsibility. | A convincing authority and a gradual commitment make the agentic shift more likely; moral strain can produce dissent. |
| Social power theory | The target obeys because the authority is perceived to control valued outcomes or possess a socially recognised influence. | French and Raven distinguish reward, coercive, legitimate, expert and referent power; the power that matters depends on how the target perceives the source. |
Agency theory does not say people lose all choice, and social power is not a fixed property of a uniform or job title. Individual differences and the situation can interrupt either process.
Milgram used a standardised laboratory task in which a volunteer 'teacher' believed they were increasing electric shocks to a learner after errors. In the original study, 65% reached the 450 V maximum, showing that ordinary adults could obey a legitimate experimenter despite visible conflict.
| Condition | Crucial change | Reached maximum |
|---|---|---|
| Original study | Yale laboratory; experimenter nearby | 65% |
| Experiment 10: rundown office | Lower-status commercial setting | 47.5% |
| Experiment 7: telephone instructions | Authority gave orders remotely | 22.5% |
| Experiment 13: ordinary man gives orders | A peer, not the experimenter, issued the order | 20% |
The variations isolate situational influences: reduced prestige, proximity or legitimate authority increased dissent. Their standardisation supports comparison, but an artificial shock task, a male US sample and serious deception and distress limit generalisation and ethics.
The results show that the situation can powerfully affect obedience; they do not show that everyone obeys or that personality and culture are irrelevant.
Obedience and dissent reflect an interaction between the person, the immediate situation and the culture. A factor is supported when changing or comparing it produces a reliable difference, not merely because it sounds plausible.
| Factor | Route to obedience or dissent | Evidence boundary |
|---|---|---|
| Personality | An internal locus of control may support personal responsibility and resistance; authoritarian tendencies may favour submission to legitimate authority. | Associations do not prove that a trait caused one act. |
| Gender | Social roles or experience may change responses in a particular setting. | Findings are mixed and cannot justify a universal male/female rule. |
| Situation | Authority proximity, prestige, surveillance, peer dissent and gradual commitment change the social pressure. | Milgram's variations demonstrate strong situational effects. |
| Culture | Norms about hierarchy and individual or collective duties shape what authority means. | A national label must not replace evidence from the sampled group. |
Dissent becomes easier when responsibility is salient, the authority's legitimacy is weakened or another person models resistance. These routes can work together rather than competing as single explanations.
Conformity is changing behaviour or belief because of real or imagined group pressure. Its depth depends on whether the change is public only, tied to group membership, or genuinely accepted.
| Type | Public behaviour | Private belief | Persistence |
|---|---|---|---|
| Compliance | changes | unchanged | usually ends when pressure ends |
| Identification | changes | may change while group membership matters | lasts while identification remains |
| Internalisation | changes | genuinely changes | can persist without the group |
Normative social influence produces acceptance or avoidance of rejection, so it often supports compliance. Informational social influence occurs when others are treated as evidence about reality, especially in ambiguous or difficult situations, so it can produce internalisation.
An observed public agreement does not by itself reveal private belief. The type of conformity must be inferred from what changes and whether it persists.
Asch tested whether a unanimous majority could make a person publicly give an obviously wrong line judgement. A real male student answered after confederates who had been instructed to choose the same incorrect comparison line on critical trials.
About three quarters conformed at least once, although many responses still resisted the majority. Later variations showed that conformity rose as a small majority formed, fell sharply when one partner broke unanimity, and changed with task difficulty and whether answers were public.
The controlled line task isolates majority size, unanimity and response conditions, supporting a situational explanation and replication. However, the artificial task, awareness of being studied and restricted US male student sample limit everyday and population validity; historical norms may also change conformity.
Asch demonstrated public yielding under group pressure, not automatic private conversion. Resistance in many trials is as important as the conformity rate.
Minority influence occurs when a smaller group changes majority judgement. Moscovici's account proposes a conversion process: an unexpected, coherent minority creates conflict, makes the majority examine the issue more deeply and may produce private internalisation.
| Minority behaviour | Why it can work | Limit |
|---|---|---|
| Consistency over time and between members | signals a stable position and keeps attention on the alternative | rigidity can make the minority seem unreasonable |
| Flexibility | shows willingness to negotiate rather than repeat a slogan | too much compromise removes the clear alternative |
| Commitment or personal cost | makes the position appear sincere and important | commitment alone does not prove the claim is correct |
| Knowledge or confidence | can make the minority a credible informational source | credibility depends on the task and audience |
A minority need not win an immediate public vote. Its effect may be delayed, indirect and private, which differs from majority pressure that often produces public compliance.
The same three levels of explanation organise conformity and minority influence: individual differences alter susceptibility, the situation changes pressure and credibility, and culture shapes the norms against which agreement is judged.
| Factor | Majority conformity | Minority influence |
|---|---|---|
| Personality | confidence, self-esteem and locus of control can affect resistance | confidence and independence can help a person voice and sustain dissent |
| Situation | unanimity, group size, public responding and task ambiguity change pressure | consistency, flexibility, commitment and credible expertise change scrutiny |
| Culture | collectivist settings may place greater value on group harmony in some tasks | cultural tolerance of dissent affects whether an alternative receives attention |
These are probabilistic influences, not labels that determine behaviour. A culture, personality score or group size cannot predict every response without considering the task and immediate social context.
A good questionnaire or interview turns a construct into questions that respondents can understand and answer without being steered. The wording, order and researcher behaviour must serve the aim and produce analysable data.
An interviewer's tone, appearance, prompts or reactions can change responses; social desirability and acquiescence can do the same. Neutral wording, consistent prompts, anonymity where possible and reflexive recording of researcher decisions reduce these effects.
Standardisation can improve reliability but cannot guarantee validity: consistently asking a leading or unclear question produces consistently distorted data.
Primary data are gathered first-hand for the current research aim. Secondary data already exist because another researcher or organisation collected or compiled them for an earlier purpose.
| Data source | Main strength | Main risk |
|---|---|---|
| Primary questionnaire, interview or observation | variables, sample and procedure can be tailored to the aim | slower, costlier and exposed to the researcher's design effects |
| Secondary article, archive, official statistics or existing dataset | efficient and may provide large samples or historical comparison | definitions, sampling and quality may not fit the new aim and cannot be changed retrospectively |
Judge fitness rather than assuming one source is superior: check operational definitions, population, date, missing data, collection method and ethical permission. A new analysis of an existing dataset remains secondary data for the new researcher.
Interview structure controls how far the researcher can adapt the conversation; question format controls the kind of response produced. These are separate design decisions.
| Interview | Design | Trade-off |
|---|---|---|
| Structured | fixed questions in a fixed order | comparable and replicable, but little depth |
| Semi-structured | planned core questions plus permitted probes | balances comparison with clarification |
| Unstructured | flexible conversation around a topic | rich, participant-led detail, but harder comparison and greater interviewer effects |
| Question | Data produced | Main caution |
|---|---|---|
| Open | respondent's own words | coding can be subjective |
| Closed | fixed categories such as yes/no | categories may oversimplify experience |
| Ranked or rating scale | ordered or numerical choice | intervals between points may not be psychologically equal |
An unstructured interview is not simply an interview containing open questions, and a structured interview can contain both open and closed items.
An alternative hypothesis states the predicted relationship or difference between operationalised variables. It must be testable with the planned data and population; it may be directional when prior evidence justifies a direction, or non-directional when only a difference or association is predicted.
Directional: 'Students shown a unanimous group response will give more conforming answers than students shown a mixed response.' Non-directional: 'There will be a difference in conforming answers between the two conditions.' Both define what is measured and compared.
The target population is everyone to whom the claim is intended to apply; the sampling frame is the accessible list or source; the sample is the people actually studied. Define inclusion and exclusion criteria before recruitment, choose a sampling technique, record non-response and compare sample characteristics with the target population.
A large sample can still be systematically biased, and a hypothesis is not supported merely because the sample result follows the predicted direction; inferential evidence and design quality matter.
A sampling technique is the rule used to move from a target population or sampling frame to the people studied. The rule determines which selection biases are likely.
| Technique | How selection works | Main trade-off |
|---|---|---|
| Random | every member of a complete frame has an equal chance, using a random process | reduces researcher selection, but needs an accurate frame and non-response can bias the result |
| Stratified | divide the population into relevant strata and randomly sample each in population proportions | improves representation on chosen strata, but requires reliable population information |
| Volunteer | people respond to an invitation | practical and informed, but self-selection may produce an unusual sample |
| Opportunity | recruit those available at the time and place | fast and inexpensive, but availability and researcher access limit representativeness |
Random sampling is not random allocation: sampling selects people from a population, whereas allocation assigns sampled participants to conditions.
Quantitative analysis should reveal the pattern without hiding the scale of measurement or the spread. First identify whether values are categories, discrete counts or continuous measurements; then choose compatible summaries and displays.
\text{mean}=\frac{\sum x}{n}\qquad \text{range}=x_{\max}-x_{\min}\qquad \text{percentage}=\frac{\text{part}}{\text{whole}}\times100
| Need | Suitable choice | Interpretation boundary |
|---|---|---|
| Typical value | mean for roughly balanced numerical data; median for ordered/skewed data; mode for the most frequent category or score | report the measure that fits the data, not all three automatically |
| Spread | range for total span; standard deviation for typical distance around the mean | equal means can conceal very different variability |
| Organise data | frequency table for counts of values/categories; summary table for condition-level statistics | label variables, units and sample sizes |
| Display | bar chart for separate categories; histogram for continuous intervals with touching bars | a histogram's area/frequency scale and class intervals must remain clear |
Fractions, ratios and percentages express the same part-whole information in different forms. Keep the denominator explicit: 12 conforming responses out of 30 is 12/30, a conforming-to-nonconforming ratio of 12:18, and 40%.
Standard deviation is paired meaningfully with the mean, while a skewed distribution often calls for median and range. A graph cannot repair an unsuitable statistic or missing units.
A distribution describes how scores are spread. Its shape affects which measure represents a typical score and how extreme values should be interpreted.
| Shape | Pattern | Centre |
|---|---|---|
| Normal | symmetrical bell shape; most scores cluster near the centre and frequencies taper evenly | mean = median = mode |
| Positive skew | long tail toward high values | mean is pulled above the median |
| Negative skew | long tail toward low values | mean is pulled below the median |
The mean uses every value and is sensitive to extremes. For a strongly skewed distribution, the median usually gives a more representative centre; the range or interquartile pattern should be read alongside it. A histogram helps reveal the shape.
The name of a skew follows the tail, not where most scores lie. A distribution is not normal merely because it has one central peak.
Thematic analysis is a systematic way to identify recurring patterns of meaning in qualitative data such as open questionnaire responses or interview transcripts.
A coding framework and a record of decisions make the analysis transparent. A second coder can test whether the definitions are applied consistently; disagreements should lead to clarification, not automatic majority voting. Reflexivity helps the researcher examine how expectations shaped coding.
A theme is a meaningful pattern relevant to the aim, not simply the most common word. Counting codes can support an account but does not turn interpretation into purely objective quantitative data.
The BPS Code of Ethics and Conduct (2009) requires researchers to protect dignity, autonomy, privacy and wellbeing while producing trustworthy knowledge. Ethical planning begins before recruitment and continues through storage, reporting and debriefing.
| Duty | Practical safeguard |
|---|---|
| Valid consent | give accessible information about tasks, data use and foreseeable risks; obtain agreement without pressure |
| Right to withdraw | allow participants to stop and explain whether identifiable data can later be removed |
| Deception | use only when justified and proportionate, reveal it promptly and permit data withdrawal after debrief |
| Protection from harm | keep risk no greater than justified, monitor distress and provide a stopping or support route |
| Privacy and confidentiality | collect only necessary data, separate identities, secure access and report anonymously |
A risk assessment identifies hazards, who may be affected, likelihood and severity, preventive controls, stopping rules and follow-up. Extra safeguards are required for vulnerable participants, sensitive topics or unequal power relationships.
A signed consent form does not waive the researcher's duty of care, and a debrief cannot retrospectively make avoidable harm acceptable.
Moscovici et al. tested whether a consistent minority could shift a majority's colour judgements. Groups of six women contained four naïve participants and two confederates; each group judged 36 blue slides aloud.
| Condition | Confederate response | Green responses by naïve participants |
|---|---|---|
| Consistent minority | called every slide green | 8.42% |
| Inconsistent minority | called 24 green and 12 blue | 1.25% |
| Control | no minority calling slides green | almost none |
The difference supports consistency as a cause of minority influence under these controlled conditions. Standardised slides and responses make the conditions comparable and replicable. However, an artificial colour task, female US student sample, deception and the small public response shift limit generalisation and do not directly measure lasting private conversion.
The study shows a minority can influence a majority, not that consistency guarantees conversion or that 8.42% of participants converted; the percentage refers to responses.
Burger asked whether Milgram-like obedience would still occur while reducing ethical risk. Seventy adults aged 20-81 were selected through a two-stage screening process; participants with relevant psychological or medical risks were excluded and were reminded repeatedly that they could withdraw.
In the base condition, a participant acting as teacher used an apparent shock generator after a confederate learner's errors. The procedure stopped at 150 V, the point at which Milgram's learner first strongly protested. In a modelled-refusal condition, another apparent teacher refused after 90 V before the real participant continued.
In the base condition, 70% continued past 150 V. The modelled refusal did not produce a clear reduction. The result suggests substantial obedience remained at the comparable decision point, but stopping early means it cannot show how many would have reached 450 V.
Standardisation supports reliability and comparison, and screening, a clinical psychologist, withdrawal reminders and an early stopping point reduced risk. Yet volunteers who passed screening were selective, the laboratory shock task lacked everyday realism, deception and distress remained, and the safeguards limit a direct replication claim.
Yi Huang et al. tested whether other people's opinions leave a lasting change in private judgement. Seventeen Chinese university students rated the attractiveness of 280 neutral-expression photographs of young Chinese women on a computer.
After each initial rating, participants saw an alleged average rating from 200 peers; on most trials it was experimentally set above or below their own. The faces were rated again after delays without showing the peer rating, so later movement toward the earlier group value could be measured without immediate public pressure.
Judgements shifted toward the group opinion shortly after exposure, but the effect was no longer detectable after three days. This supports a short-lived internal influence rather than an indefinitely stable conversion.
Computer presentation and many stimuli standardised exposure and reduced the effect of any one face. However, a very small Chinese student sample, an artificial attractiveness task and fabricated peer ratings limit population and ecological validity; repeated faces may also create memory or demand effects.
The finding concerns ratings in this task and time window. It does not establish that every form of conformity lasts no more than three days.
Haun et al. compared whether children and other great apes would abandon a previously rewarded choice after seeing peers choose differently. The sample contained 18 children, 12 chimpanzees and 12 orangutans.
Participants learned which of three coloured sections of a box delivered a reward, reaching a preference criterion on 8 of 10 trials. They then watched three demonstrators choose a different section twice and receive rewards. On three further rewarded choices, researchers recorded whether participants kept their preference, followed the majority or chose elsewhere.
Children were more likely than the apes to switch to the peer-endorsed option, whereas chimpanzees and orangutans usually retained the choice that had worked for them. The comparison suggests that human children are especially responsive to majority information in this setting.
A common apparatus, criterion and video coding support comparison and reliability. But small, age- and species-specific samples limit generalisation; the task may not have equal meaning across species, and copying demonstrators can reflect social learning rather than conformity to group pressure.
The study does not show that apes never conform or that children always abandon knowledge. It measures choice after a particular peer demonstration and reward history.
The practical must use a questionnaire to collect both quantitative and qualitative data about a social-psychology difference, while linking every design, analysis and ethical decision to the stated aim.
| Stage | Required decision and record |
|---|---|
| Aim and hypothesis | operationalise the comparison, such as self-reported obedience by gender or conformity across scenarios |
| Questionnaire | combine suitable closed/ranked items with open items; avoid leading, ambiguous or double-barrelled wording; pilot and revise |
| Sample and ethics | justify sampling, gain valid consent, protect withdrawal, privacy and wellbeing, and manage foreseeable risk |
| Quantitative analysis | choose mean/median/mode and range/standard deviation as appropriate; present a labelled summary/frequency table and bar chart/histogram |
| Qualitative analysis | code open responses, develop and check themes, then support them with brief anonymised extracts |
| Report | write a replicable procedure, factual results and a discussion that interprets findings and evaluates strengths, weaknesses and improvements |
Standardise instructions and conditions, record non-response and missing data, and keep raw data securely. Improvements must target a demonstrated limitation: for example, clearer piloted wording improves validity, while a more representative sample improves generalisability.
Self-reports measure what participants say about likely obedience or conformity, not their actual behaviour. Do not claim causation from a questionnaire comparison, and do not invent results before data are collected.
Atkinson and Shiffrin's multi-store model treats memory as information moving through three stores. Attention moves selected sensory input into short-term memory (STM); maintenance rehearsal keeps it active and can transfer it to long-term memory (LTM); retrieval returns stored information to STM for conscious use.
| Store | Typical encoding | Capacity | Duration |
|---|---|---|---|
| Sensory register | modality-specific, such as visual or auditory | very large incoming field | a fraction of a second |
| STM | mainly acoustic | about 7±2 items | about 15-30 seconds without rehearsal |
| LTM | mainly semantic, but can also be visual or acoustic | potentially very large | potentially lifelong |
Serial-position findings support separate short- and long-term contributions, and preventing rehearsal rapidly reduces STM recall. HM's intact immediate memory but severe difficulty forming new declarative long-term memories also supports separable stores.
The model is useful but simplified. KF encoded some STM material visually, the working-memory model divides STM into active components, and HM could acquire procedural skills. Rehearsal is therefore not the only route to LTM, and each store is not a single uniform system.
Baddeley and Hitch's working-memory model explains short-term memory as an active, limited-capacity system whose components can process different kinds of information at the same time.
| Component | Main job | Interference clue |
|---|---|---|
| Central executive | directs attention, switches tasks and coordinates the other components | demanding decisions or two simultaneous tasks compete for control |
| Phonological loop | temporarily maintains speech and sound through a phonological store and articulatory rehearsal | two verbal tasks interfere; longer words take more rehearsal time |
| Visuo-spatial sketchpad | maintains and manipulates visual appearance and spatial location | two visual/spatial tasks interfere more than one visual and one verbal task |
| Episodic buffer | binds information across components and links working memory with LTM into integrated episodes | supports combinations of verbal, visual, spatial and stored knowledge |
Dual-task performance, the word-length effect and cases such as KF support partly separate components. The model also explains why listening to speech while writing verbal notes can overload the phonological system.
The central executive is less precisely specified than the slave systems, visual and spatial processing may themselves separate, and the model does not fully explain long-term storage or retrieval. It is a detailed model of working memory, not a complete model of all memory.
Bartlett's reconstructive account proposes that recall combines incomplete memory traces with schemas - organised knowledge built from prior experience and cultural expectations. The result is a plausible reconstruction, not a literal recording.
When details are missing or ambiguous, a schema guides selection and interpretation. Information may be omitted, rationalised, transformed into a more familiar form or added through confabulation. Assimilation changes new information so that it fits an existing schema, although schemas can also be updated by experience.
Two witnesses can encode the same event yet later describe it differently because their expectations about people, places or likely actions fill different gaps. Bartlett's War of the Ghosts and office-schema research found familiar substitutions and recall of schema-consistent items that were not present.
Schema evidence shows systematic distortion, but it can be difficult to locate whether reconstruction occurred during encoding or retrieval. Context, questioning and attention also affect recall, so a schema is not a complete explanation of every memory error.
An experiment manipulates an independent variable (IV), measures a dependent variable (DV) and controls alternatives so that a causal explanation can be tested. The laboratory-field distinction concerns the setting and degree of control, not whether an IV exists.
| Method | Main strength | Main limitation |
|---|---|---|
| Laboratory experiment | standardisation and control support replication and internal validity | an artificial setting or task can create demand characteristics and low ecological validity |
| Field experiment | behaviour occurs in a more natural setting, often improving ecological validity | situational variables are harder to control and exact replication is harder |
Design from the hypothesis: operationalise IV and DV, choose a design and sample, standardise instructions and timing, control plausible confounds, pilot the task, obtain consent and manage risk, then record data consistently. A control condition provides a baseline when one is needed.
A laboratory result is not automatically valid because it is controlled, and a field result is not automatically realistic because it occurs outside a lab. Task meaning, participant awareness and the specific uncontrolled variables determine validity.
The independent variable is the condition the researcher changes or compares; the dependent variable is the measured outcome expected to respond. Both must be operationalised so another researcher could reproduce exactly what was varied and recorded.
| Research idea | Fully operationalised variable |
|---|---|
| IV: acoustic similarity | a 20-word list of rhyming words versus a 20-word list of non-rhyming words, each shown for two seconds |
| DV: recall | number of words written correctly from the list during a one-minute test |
A variable name such as 'noise', 'memory' or 'aggression' is not enough. State the conditions, dose or category for the IV and the observable score, unit, timing and scoring rule for the DV.
In a correlation, neither co-variable is manipulated, so calling one an IV and the other a DV incorrectly implies experimental causation.
An experimental hypothesis predicts that an operationalised IV will affect an operationalised DV. A null hypothesis predicts no difference or relationship in the population and states that any sample pattern is due to chance.
| Hypothesis | Example for a memory experiment |
|---|---|
| Experimental | Participants will recall a different number of words from a 20-word acoustically similar list than from a 20-word dissimilar list. |
| Null | There will be no difference in the number of words recalled from the two 20-word lists; any difference will be due to chance. |
Both hypotheses must identify the population where relevant, the exact conditions and the measured outcome. The experimental hypothesis can be directional or non-directional; the null remains a no-effect statement.
Failing to reject the null does not prove that the two conditions are identical. It means the study did not obtain sufficient evidence against the null at the chosen significance level.
A directional hypothesis predicts which condition will score higher or whether a relationship will be positive or negative. A non-directional hypothesis predicts a difference or relationship without choosing its direction.
| Choice | Wording | Inferential consequence |
|---|---|---|
| Directional / one-tailed | 'Participants will recall more words in silence than in noise.' | the rejection region is placed in the predicted tail; use only with a justified prior direction |
| Non-directional / two-tailed | 'There will be a difference in words recalled in silence and noise.' | the rejection region is divided across both possible directions |
Choose the tail before seeing the results. A well-supported theory or consistent previous evidence can justify one-tailed testing; uncertainty or credible effects in either direction calls for two-tailed testing.
A one-tailed test is not simply an easier route to significance. A result in the unpredicted direction cannot be treated as support for the directional hypothesis.
Experimental design determines which participants provide data in each condition. The best choice controls the most serious alternative explanation without creating a larger one.
| Design | Strength | Main issue and control |
|---|---|---|
| Repeated measures | the same people complete every condition, controlling participant differences | order effects and aim guessing; counterbalance condition order and use equivalent materials |
| Independent groups | each person completes one condition, avoiding order effects | groups may differ before the IV; randomly allocate and use a sufficiently large sample |
| Matched pairs | different people are paired on relevant characteristics | matching is slow and never covers every difference; match only variables likely to affect the DV |
Repeated measures does not remove all participant variables: ability can still interact with a condition. Independent groups does not automatically produce independent equivalent groups unless allocation and sampling are sound.
Operationalisation turns an abstract construct into a replicable manipulation or measure. Control then protects the comparison from variables other than the IV.
| Variable | Meaning | Example |
|---|---|---|
| Operationalised variable | exact procedure or score representing a construct | memory = number of 20 words recalled in one minute |
| Extraneous variable | any unplanned factor that could affect the DV | one condition uses longer or less familiar words |
| Confounding variable | an extraneous factor that changes systematically with the IV, so its effect cannot be separated | the noisy condition is always tested late when participants are tired |
Before data collection, list plausible situational, participant and material variables. Hold them constant, randomise them, match them or measure them, and standardise instructions and scoring. A pilot can reveal unclear items or ceiling and floor effects.
An extraneous variable becomes a confound only when it offers a credible alternative explanation for the condition difference. Statistical significance cannot repair a confounded design.
Controls create a fair comparison by holding an influence constant, distributing it unpredictably or providing a baseline against which the experimental condition can be interpreted.
| Control | Function |
|---|---|
| Control group/condition | omits the active manipulation and estimates the baseline outcome |
| Counterbalancing | gives different participants different condition orders, such as AB and BA, so practice and fatigue are spread across conditions |
| Randomisation | uses chance for allocation, presentation order or material order, reducing systematic researcher selection |
| Standardisation | keeps instructions, timing, setting and scoring consistent |
Practice can improve later performance; fatigue or boredom can reduce it; carry-over means one condition changes response to the next. Counterbalancing estimates and distributes order effects, while independent groups avoids repeated exposure.
Random allocation is not random sampling. Allocation balances conditions within the sample; sampling determines who enters the study and therefore affects population generalisability.
Situational variables arise from the environment or procedure; participant variables are stable or pre-existing differences between the people studied. Either can obscure an IV's effect on the DV.
| Source | Examples | Appropriate control |
|---|---|---|
| Situational | noise, light, temperature, time, device, experimenter wording | standardise the setting and instructions, randomise unavoidable variation, record deviations |
| Participant | age, prior practice, language, cognitive ability, health, sleep | repeated measures, random allocation, matched pairs, inclusion criteria or measurement for analysis |
If one memory group has previously played the computer task, prior practice can raise its scores. If one condition is tested in a noisy room, setting can lower its scores. Both become confounds when aligned systematically with the IV.
Not every difference must be eliminated. Control variables that plausibly affect the DV, and avoid restrictions so severe that the sample or task no longer represents the intended population or behaviour.
Research quality has distinct dimensions. Objectivity concerns freedom from researcher judgement; reliability concerns consistency; validity concerns whether the evidence supports the intended interpretation.
| Criterion | Question to ask | Strengthening move |
|---|---|---|
| Objectivity | would another scorer apply the same rule | operational definitions, blind scoring, inter-rater checks |
| Reliability | would repetition produce a consistent result | standardisation, test-retest or inter-rater agreement |
| Internal validity | did the IV, rather than a confound, cause the DV change | control, random allocation, valid operationalisation |
| Predictive validity | does the measure accurately forecast a relevant later criterion | compare scores with later behaviour or outcomes |
| Ecological validity | does the task and setting represent behaviour in the intended real context | use meaningful tasks and settings without losing necessary control |
A procedure can be highly reliable but consistently measure the wrong construct. Ecological validity is not identical to 'outside a laboratory', and objectivity does not guarantee an unbiased sample.
Experimenter effects occur when a researcher's expectations or behaviour alter procedures, scoring or participant responses. Demand characteristics occur when participants infer the aim and change their behaviour.
| Threat | Example | Control |
|---|---|---|
| Experimenter expectancy | warmer encouragement in the predicted high-score condition | scripted instructions, automated presentation, blind allocation or scoring |
| Observer/scoring bias | ambiguous responses coded toward the hypothesis | explicit coding rules and independent inter-rater checks |
| Demand characteristics | repeated tasks reveal that memory, not learning, is being tested | credible cover information where ethical, independent groups, filler tasks and post-study checks |
| Social desirability | self-reports shift toward an approved answer | anonymity, neutral wording and indirect measures |
Deception can conceal an aim but requires justification, minimal risk and debriefing. Standardisation reduces researcher variation but cannot remove demand characteristics if the task itself makes the hypothesis obvious.
List A analysis matches the summary to the data rather than reporting every available statistic. Quantitative data show amounts; qualitative data show meanings and are analysed through systematic coding and themes.
| Analytical job | Appropriate choice |
|---|---|
| Typical quantitative score | mean for balanced interval data; median for ordered or skewed data; mode for the most frequent value/category |
| Spread | range for total span; standard deviation for dispersion around the mean |
| Organise | frequency table for counts; summary table for condition statistics |
| Display | bar chart for separate categories; histogram for continuous intervals |
| Express part-whole | fraction, ratio or percentage with the denominator stated |
| Interpret qualitative responses | code relevant extracts, develop and review themes, report anonymised evidence |
The mean and standard deviation are not automatically appropriate for ordinal or strongly skewed data. A theme is a patterned meaning, not merely a frequently repeated word, and a graph does not compensate for missing labels or an unsuitable statistic.
Inferential statistics ask whether an observed pattern is unlikely under the null hypothesis. Choose a test from the research question, design and lowest level of measurement: nominal categories, ordinal ranks, or interval/ratio equal units.
| Test | Question and design | Data | Significant when |
|---|---|---|---|
| Wilcoxon signed ranks | difference between two related/repeated conditions | at least ordinal | observed T is equal to or below the critical value |
| Spearman's rank | correlation between paired co-variables | at least ordinal | ∣rs∣ is equal to or above the critical value |
| Chi-squared | association between categorical variables using independent frequency counts | nominal | observed χ2 is equal to or above the critical value |
r_s=1-\frac{6\sum D^2}{n(n^2-1)}
For Wilcoxon, calculate paired differences, remove zero differences, rank absolute differences with tied ranks averaged, restore signs, total positive and negative ranks, and use the smaller total as T. Select the critical value using N, the chosen p level and one- or two-tailed prediction.
At p≤.05, a result this extreme would occur by chance no more than 5% of the time if the null were true. A stricter p reduces Type I risk - rejecting a true null - but increases Type II risk - failing to reject a false null. Sense-check impossible values, coding errors, outliers, sample size and whether the direction matches the hypothesis before concluding.
A significant result is evidence against the null, not proof of the theory, causation or practical importance. A non-significant result is not proof of no effect.
A case study investigates one unusual person or a small group in depth, often combining interviews, observations, memory tasks, records and brain imaging over time. Naturally occurring brain damage provides evidence that could not ethically be created experimentally.
After surgery involving the medial temporal region to treat epilepsy, Henry Molaison (HM) retained immediate memory and older memories but could not form normal new declarative long-term memories. Yet his mirror-drawing skill improved without conscious recollection, separating STM from LTM and procedural from declarative memory.
| Strength | Limitation |
|---|---|
| detailed longitudinal and triangulated evidence can reveal dissociations | unique damage, treatment and life history limit generalisation |
| generates and tests models of otherwise inaccessible memory systems | no random allocation and multiple damaged regions weaken causal localisation |
| repeated objective tasks can track stable patterns | researcher relationships and interpretation can create bias |
Memory impairment can limit continuing informed consent, and recognisable cases challenge anonymity. Researchers need capacity-sensitive consent, assent and proxy procedures where justified, privacy, minimal burden, withdrawal safeguards and sensitive handling of distressing information.
Bartlett tested how cultural schemas shape recall of an unfamiliar Native American story. Cambridge participants read War of the Ghosts and reproduced it after delays, either repeatedly themselves or through a chain of different people.
Across reproductions, accounts became shorter, more coherent and more conventional to the participants. Unfamiliar details were omitted or transformed: for example, canoes became boats and supernatural material faded. The pattern supports reconstructive memory because recall moved systematically toward familiar schemas.
Using the same unusual story helped reveal schema-driven changes, and the findings apply to eyewitness accounts and transmission of stories. However, the small culturally narrow sample, inconsistent recall intervals and limited procedural detail reduce generalisability and replicability; an unfamiliar story is also unlike many everyday memories.
The study shows that prior knowledge can organise and distort recall. It does not show that every changed detail was caused by culture alone, or precisely whether reconstruction occurred during encoding, storage or retrieval.
Schmolck et al. examined whether the extent of temporal-lobe damage predicted loss of semantic knowledge. Six memory-impaired patients - including HM and people with damage extending into lateral temporal cortex - were compared with eight controls.
Participants completed nine tests using common objects and drawings, including naming, pointing, category judgements and verbal definitions. Responses were scored quantitatively; fourteen raters checked definition quality in one task, reducing subjective coding.
Patients whose damage was limited mainly to the hippocampal formation performed normally on semantic tests, while extensive lateral temporal damage was associated with severe, consistent semantic deficits. HM's modest language weakness was judged more consistent with interrupted education than the lesion pattern.
Multiple converging tasks and inter-rater checks strengthen reliability and the link between lesion extent and semantic performance. Yet six unique patients cannot represent all brain damage; lesion groups differed in more than one respect, and picture categorisation is an artificial sample of everyday semantic use.
The study associates wider lateral temporal damage with poorer semantic knowledge; it does not prove that one isolated location alone stores all semantic memory.
Darling, Della Sala and Logie tested whether visual appearance and spatial location rely on separable parts of visuo-spatial working memory. Seventy-two adults from a volunteer panel were randomly allocated across combinations of memory and interference tasks.
Participants remembered either the visual appearance of a target on a black-and-white display or its spatial location. During retention they completed selective secondary tasks intended to interfere with appearance or location processing; response latency and accuracy indexed memory performance.
Interference showed an experimental double dissociation: appearance interference selectively disrupted appearance memory, while spatial interference selectively disrupted location memory. This supports separate visual and spatial subsystems rather than one undifferentiated sketchpad.
Random allocation, standardised displays and selective dual-task interference support internal validity and replication. However, a volunteer sample and simplified screen task limit population and ecological validity, and slower responses may reflect task coordination as well as memory storage.
A double dissociation supports functional separation under these tasks; it does not mean visual and spatial systems never interact.
Sacchi, Agnoli and Loftus tested whether altered photographs change memory for public events. Italian participants saw original or digitally doctored photographs of the 1989 Tiananmen Square protest and a 2003 anti-war protest in Rome, then answered questions about the events.
The Beijing image was altered to show a larger crowd; the peaceful Rome scene was altered to show confrontation. Photograph combinations were randomised and counterbalanced before participants completed event-memory and attitude questions.
The enlarged Beijing image led to estimates of more participants. The altered Rome image produced memories of greater violence, confrontation, damage and injuries, more negative ratings, and less willingness to join a future protest. Both younger and older adults were affected.
Real public events and media-like images give the misinformation effect practical relevance, while controlled versions support causal comparison. However, the student-heavy, female-skewed sample limits population validity; questionnaires invite social desirability, and some responses may reflect changed beliefs or source judgements rather than a detailed episodic false memory.
The study shows that doctored images can bias later reports and intentions. It does not show that viewers forget every original detail or that all edited photographs create false memories.
The practical is an ethical repeated-measures laboratory experiment that collects quantitative cognitive data and tests a difference with Wilcoxon signed ranks. Every decision must connect the hypothesis, manipulation, measurement and conclusion.
| Stage | Required evidence |
|---|---|
| Aim and hypothesis | operationalise two related conditions and one measured outcome; choose a justified direction |
| Design | recruit and describe a sample; use repeated measures; standardise instructions, timing and materials; counterbalance equivalent condition orders |
| Control and ethics | manage participant, situational and material variables; reduce experimenter effects and demand characteristics; obtain consent, protect withdrawal, privacy and wellbeing |
| Descriptive results | choose suitable centre and dispersion; present a labelled table and bar chart, histogram or frequency graph; comment on normality where relevant |
| Inference | calculate Wilcoxon differences and signed ranks; state N, tail and p; compare observed T with the critical value |
| Report | write a replicable procedure, factual results and a discussion with a bounded conclusion, strengths, weaknesses and targeted improvements |
Suitable designs include a dual-task test of phonological or visuospatial working memory, or recall of acoustically similar versus dissimilar words. Use equivalent word lists and a counterbalanced order so practice, fatigue and material difficulty do not become confounds.
A significant Wilcoxon result supports a condition difference in this sample; it does not by itself establish the memory mechanism, practical importance or generalisability. Improvements must target a demonstrated limitation rather than merely change the method.